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A United States senator, Ted Cruz, has accused Nigerian government officials of involvement in attacks against Christians in the country.

Cruz made the allegation during a Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee hearing focused on the United States counterterrorism strategy in Africa on Tuesday.

Efforts to get the federal government’s reaction yesterday proved abortive but former information Minister under the late President Muhammadu Buhari,  Lai Mohammed, said in United Kingdom yesterday that more Muslims than Christians were being killed by Boko Haram.

However, speaking at the hearing, the lawmaker claimed that Nigeria records the highest number of Christians killed because of their faith anywhere in the world. 

He said since 2009, more than 50,000 Christians had been killed, while over 20,000 churches, schools and other religious buildings had been destroyed.

“Nigerian officials had been, unfortunately, complicit in facilitating these atrocities,” Cruz said.

He linked part of the violence to the operation of Sharia law in some northern states, and also criticised Nigerian authorities, saying their response to insecurity in the country had been slow.

Cruz recalled a previous meeting with Nigerian defence and security officials, where assurances were given that the violence would be addressed. 

However, he said those promises have not yet produced results.

“I told them I would judge their commitment by the results. Those results have yet to materialise,” he said.

The senator also revealed that in October, he introduced the Nigeria Religious Freedom Accountability Act of 2025. 

According to him, the bill is designed to hold Nigerian government officials accountable over alleged involvement in attacks on Christians.

During the session, Cruz questioned a senior official of the US State Department’s Bureau of African Affairs, Nick Checker, on whether engagements between Nigeria and the United States had led to meaningful progress, especially after actions taken under US President Donald Trump.

In his response, Checker said Nigeria had shown some level of cooperation with the United States, pointed to changes in the country’s security structure, including leadership adjustments, recruitment of more troops and deployment of forest guards to troubled areas.

“We’ve seen some positive movements, including leadership changes in Nigerian security services, recruitment of additional troops, and deployment of forest guards to areas affected by violence,” he said.

He added that there had been an increase in the prosecution of suspected terrorists, mentioning the creation of a bilateral high level working group after discussions between Nigeria’s National Security Adviser, Malam Nuhu Ribadu, and US Under Secretary of State, Allison Hooker.

Checker noted further that recent support from the United States to Nigerian security forces showed continued cooperation between both countries.

“We’ve seen positive steps by the Nigerians, but certainly more can be done,” Checker said, adding that the US would continue to push for further action.

Boko Haram killing more Muslims than Christians — Lai Mohammed

Meanwhile, former Minister of Information and Culture, Lai Mohammed, has dismissed claims of a targeted genocide against Christians in Nigeria, saying insurgent groups have killed more Muslims than Christians.

Mohammed spoke in the United Kingdom yesterday, while fielding questions from students of Abbey College, Cambridge.

The session was organised to give students from diverse backgrounds an opportunity to engage on developments in Nigeria, particularly governance and youth participation in politics.

Responding to a question on religious persecution, especially against Christians, the former minister said narratives of a “Christian genocide” in Nigeria were inaccurate.

“There should be more understanding on the part of the developed world. Now, people say that there is religious persecution in Nigeria and that there is genocide against Christians. It’s not true. It is fake news,” he said.

Mohammed argued that Nigeria’s security challenges were complex and not driven by a deliberate campaign to eliminate any religious group.

“Nigeria as a country has challenges that will not be resolved by genocide against any religion,” he added.

He said Boko Haram initially emerged as a movement targeting Muslims who embraced Western education, noting that early victims were largely Muslims.

“At the beginning, the victims of Boko Haram were largely Muslims, not Christians. Boko Haram started as a revolt by extreme Muslims against conventional Muslims like me.

“Look at the meaning of Boko Haram — ‘haram’ means forbidden or illicit, ‘boko’ means Western education. So for Boko Haram, I, Lai Mohammed, having gone to school, am an enemy.

“They realised that Muslims killing one another doesn’t gain traction. When Muslims start killing Christians, it causes uproar. That is the honest truth,” he said.

The former minister also dismissed claims that banditry in Nigeria was driven by religion, describing it instead as a criminal enterprise affecting people of the same ethnic and religious backgrounds.

He insisted that records showed Muslims account for the largest number of victims of insurgent attacks in Nigeria.

He said: “The bandits are Muslims, they are Hausa-Fulanis. Their victims are Muslims, they are Hausa-Fulanis. So how can you now talk about religion? It has nothing to do with religion. 

“We have a spirit of religious tolerance in Nigeria and I challenge anyone to say it is not true. People can hide under anything to commit crime but one, it is not a policy. Number two, the average Nigerian is not bothered about your religion or ethnicity.

“In Nigeria, the average Muslim and Christian only disagree over money. They won’t disagree over theology. They are more concerned about the economy and ways of life. That is why you have many Christians marrying Muslims and vice versa.

“So, this narrative about Christian genocide is not true and we must vigorously use public communication to challenge it.” 

On April 22, 2026, a neatly worded letter arrived at the desks of party stakeholders in Katsina State. Signed by Yusuf Muhammadu Buhari, the only surviving son of Nigeria’s late former president, it announced what many in the state had quietly anticipated since his father’s burial last July.

“I am extremely delighted to write and inform you of my intention to contest for the seat of House of Representatives at the above-mentioned constituency — Sandamu/Daura/Mai’Adua — under the platform of the All Progressives Congress,” the letter read.

The declaration was brief, measured, almost understated. But in the constituency where the elder Buhari was born, buried, and mourned as a son of the soil, it carried the weight of history.

Yusuf Buhari is 34. Born on April 23, 1992, in Daura, Katsina State, he is the only surviving son of Muhammadu Buhari, who served as Nigeria’s military Head of State from 1984 to 1985 and later as democratically elected president from 2015 to 2023. His mother, Aisha Buhari, remains a prominent public figure in her own right. By lineage, geography, and political circumstance, Yusuf is as close to the heartland of Buhari country as any aspirant can be.

Yet the question of whether his surname is a political inheritance or a political burden — or both at once — is precisely what makes his entry into elective politics one of the most closely watched developments in Nigeria’s 2027 cycle.

The Man Behind the Name

Those who knew Yusuf before his father’s presidency describe a young man of deliberate anonymity. One account from a Nigerian who encountered him at the University of Surrey recalled him as “unassuming, unpretentious and un-ostentatious” — a young man who refused to flaunt his family background even on a foreign campus, and who identified himself simply as someone from Daura based in Kaduna. That restraint, whether instinctive or cultivated, has defined his public persona.

Yusuf attended Kaduna International School and the British School of Lomé for his early education before pursuing a degree in economics at the University of Surrey in the United Kingdom. His academic background is in economics — a discipline that, if translated into policy instinct, could serve him in a legislature increasingly tasked with oversight of fiscal decisions.

He met his wife, Zahra Nasir Ado-Bayero, the daughter of the Emir of Bichi, while studying in Surrey — a union that knits together two of the North’s most influential dynastic families.

His public life gained its first major national attention not through politics but through crisis. In December 2017, he was involved in a serious motorbike accident in Abuja, sustaining head injuries and a broken limb.

After emergency surgery at Cedarcrest Hospital in Abuja, he was flown abroad for further treatment, making a recovery that was widely described as remarkable. Following his recovery, he completed his mandatory National Youth Service Corps programme in 2018.

Then, in December 2021, came a different kind of recognition: he was appointed District Head of Kwasarawa in the Daura Emirate and conferred with the traditional title of Talban Daura, a title that places him in active proximity to local governance and community affairs.

That traditional role, analysts say, is not incidental to his political timing. It gave him a platform from which to be visible without being overtly partisan, and a constituency — in the social, not legislative, sense — before he ever sought votes.

The Father’s Double-Edged Sword

No assessment of Yusuf’s political fortunes can escape the long shadow of Muhammadu Buhari. The late president’s legacy is arguably the most contested of any Nigerian leader in recent memory — a fact that cuts both ways for his son.

In Daura and its surrounding communities, the elder Buhari remains a figure of deep, almost tribal reverence. He was a son of the soil who rose to the highest office in the land — twice. To his admirers in Katsina and the broader North-West, he embodied discipline, incorruptibility, and an unbroken commitment to his roots.

He was buried in Daura, as he had reportedly wished, surrounded by his people. For many in the constituency Yusuf now seeks to represent, supporting the former president’s son is less a political calculation than an act of cultural loyalty.

But the national record complicates that sentiment considerably. Buhari’s presidency was marred by economic mismanagement, a failure to implement bold structural reforms, ethnic favouritism, and an unfulfilled promise of change.

Over 63,000 Nigerians were killed in violent incidents during his eight years in office, averaging about 22 deaths per day, while his government’s failure to significantly curb kidnappings, banditry, and communal violence undermined his initial campaign promise to restore security. From a figure of 90 million people in poverty at the start of his presidency, the number grew to 130 million.

In the North-West — the very geopolitical zone Yusuf seeks to serve — those statistics are not abstractions. Banditry and kidnapping devastated farming communities across Zamfara, Katsina, and Kebbi throughout the Buhari years.

Katsina State itself bore some of the worst of the violence, including the December 2020 abduction of hundreds of students from Government Science Secondary School in Kankara, barely 100 kilometres from Daura. Critics argue the administration’s response was slow and inadequate.

“The father’s name opens doors, but it can also close minds,” said a political analyst in Kano who follows North-West politics closely. “In Daura specifically, the emotional bond to the Buhari family is strong. But a voter in Sandamu who lost a son to bandits may not separate the father’s failure from the son’s ambition.”

Political Machinery and Early Momentum

If Yusuf’s path is complicated by history, it appears well-greased by present-day political machinery.

His declaration came barely one week after stakeholders of the APC in the Sandamu Local Government Area publicly backed him as their preferred choice, a decision taken during a high-level meeting held at the Sandamu Local Government Secretariat, which brought together elected officials and political appointees across the federal constituency.

Governor Dikko Umaru Radda received Yusuf on a courtesy visit and commended him for his interest in serving the people of Katsina State, reiterating his administration’s commitment to internal democracy, fairness, and unity within the APC. Sources within the party say the governor’s support, whether publicly stated or quietly conveyed, is the most significant variable in the primary contest.

Former presidential media aide Bashir Ahmad — who served the elder Buhari and has emerged as a vocal champion of the son’s ambitions — confirmed the declaration publicly, describing it as the culmination of wide consultations with political leaders across the area.

Yusuf’s declaration signals the entry of another member of the Buhari family into active partisan politics, setting the stage for what could become a closely watched contest in Katsina State as preparations build toward the 2027 general elections.

Political watchers in Katsina note that Yusuf’s candidacy sits at an uncomfortable intersection of sentiment and democratic expectation.

Muhammad Usman, a political analyst told THE WHISTLER that “his father’s name carries enormous emotional currency in Daura, but the same name is freighted with memories of economic hardship and insecurity that defined much of the North-West during the Buhari years.

“The risk for the younger Buhari is that voters may conflate the two — rewarding the son for affection toward the father in the primary, while holding him accountable for the father’s failures at the general election.”

Resistance in the Ranks

Yet the path is not uncontested. While his entry is seen by supporters as a continuation of the Buhari political legacy, critics within the APC have raised concerns over potential imposition and lack of broader consensus. A group of stakeholders from five local government areas in the Daura Emirate reportedly vowed to oppose any imposition of candidates — a development that suggests there are local political actors who resent the idea that the Buhari name should automatically translate into a legislative seat.

The tension between sentiment and democratic process is a familiar one in Nigerian politics, where political godfatherism often determines outcomes long before primaries are conducted.

Whether Yusuf’s candidacy is being organically driven by grassroots affection or top-down party engineering is a question that will likely define how it is received beyond the inner circle of party loyalists.

“There are people in that constituency who have worked for the party for years and believe they deserve a turn,” said one Katsina-based political observer who requested anonymity.

“When the governor’s name is attached to an endorsement, it complicates the internal democracy argument. The question is whether the system will allow fair competition or simply manage the outcome.”

A Generation’s Expectations

Beyond the internal APC dynamics, there is the broader question of what kind of legislator Yusuf Buhari intends to be.

His letter to stakeholders was earnest but vague — promising “infrastructural development as well as human support and development to the people of this constituency.”

He offered no specific policy positions, no diagnosis of the constituency’s most pressing needs, no detail on what distinguishes his vision from that of any other aspirant.

In his letter, he described his ambition as a desire to “contribute to ensure a good and qualitative leadership” — language that is aspirational but unanchored.

For a constituency that spans Daura, Sandamu, and Mai’Adua, where youth unemployment is severe, where rural communities remain vulnerable to insecurity, and where access to basic services is contested, voters may eventually demand more than filial symbolism.

Residents in Daura township, reached for comment, offered a predictably divided picture.

Nura Usman Mai’Adua, 40, said “he is the son of our father, we owe it to his memory to support Yusuf.”

Aisha Sabiu Daura, 26, is a teacher was more circumspect.

“We want to know what he plans to do. His father’s name means something here, but we have problems that names alone cannot solve.”

What History Teaches

Nigeria has a complicated relationship with political dynasties. From the Saraki family in Kwara to the Tinubu network in Lagos, political inheritance has proven both durable and volatile.

What tends to survive is not sentiment alone, but the capacity to combine inherited networks with demonstrable competence — or at least the appearance of it.

Yusuf Buhari carries advantages that few first-time aspirants in Nigeria can claim: a famous surname in deeply loyal territory, a traditional title that lends him community standing, and the structural support of a sitting governor.

He also carries an economics degree, a personal history of quiet civic engagement, and the sympathy capital generated by his father’s recent death.

What he has yet to demonstrate is the one thing no dynasty can confer: a political identity of his own.

If he wins, it will be read by many as Daura’s final tribute to a man they loved.

If he eventually builds a legislative record worthy of independent assessment, it may become something more lasting — the beginning of a political career that stands on its own terms.

The 2027 election in Sandamu/Daura/Mai’Adua will likely answer the first question. The answer to the second will take considerably longer.

Yusuf Buhari’s Entry Into Politics Tests His Father’s Legacy is first published on The Whistler Newspaper

A Nigerian national and US permanent resident, Emuobosan Emanuella Hall, 45, is now the subject of a federal arrest warrant after failing to report to prison to begin serving an eight-year sentence tied to a romance fraud scheme, exposing her to an additional 10-year jail term.

The U.S. Attorney’s Office, Eastern District of Louisiana said that on Tuesday, April 14, 2026, U.S. Magistrate Judge Donna Phillips Currault signed a criminal complaint and issued the warrant following Hall’s failure to surrender as ordered.

United States Attorney David I. Courcelle announced that Hall, who had been sentenced in January 2026, is currently at large.

This was detailed in a statement issued by Public Information Officer Shane M. Jones on April 14, 2026.

There, authorities confirmed that Hall did not report to the Bureau of Prisons by March 25, 2026, as directed, and has since “evaded custody.”

According to the criminal complaint, “Hall was initially charged in April 2024 by a federal grand jury in New Orleans with conspiracy to commit mail and wire fraud and conspiracy to commit money laundering.

“She was arrested in Atlanta, Georgia, granted bond, and later pleaded guilty.

“In January 2026, U.S. District Judge Jane Triche Milazzo sentenced her to 96 months in prison but permitted her to remain on bond with instructions to report to a designated Bureau of Prisons facility by March 25, 2026.”

However, Hall failed to comply.

“GPS data from her monitoring device placed her last known location at Hartsfield-Jackson Atlanta International Airport on March 24, 2026, where the device stopped transmitting.

“Although she had provided her probation officer with flight details to Minnesota, airline records show she did not board the flight. “Phone records instead suggest she traveled to Dulles International Airport outside Washington, D.C.

“Court filings show Hall pleaded guilty to conspiring to defraud mostly older women through a romance scam. Her co-defendant, Kenneth G. Akpieyi of Marietta, Georgia, was convicted after a four-day jury trial in July 2025 and later sentenced by Judge Milazzo to 25 years in prison,” the warrant for her arrest disclosed.

Evidence presented in court detailed how the conspirators posed as generals, philanthropists, or entrepreneurs living outside the United States, contacting victims through platforms such as Facebook and Instagram before moving conversations to encrypted services like WhatsApp.

Victims were then persuaded to send money for fraudulent reasons, including charitable work or medical emergencies.

Prosecutors said Hall and Akpieyi operated a company, Le Beau Monde LLC, to facilitate the scheme, with Hall depositing victim funds into company accounts and transferring them to other institutions, including foreign banks.

She admitted responsibility for $851,207 in losses, while Akpieyi was held responsible for more than $3.5 million. Akpieyi remains in federal custody serving his sentence.

“Our office will vigorously enforce the law, particularly when a defendant fails to report to prison to serve her sentence,” Courcelle said.

“Her failure to report to prison reflects an utter lack of respect for the law. HALL was sentenced for her role in defrauding women, often of money that they had saved for their retirement. Our office will continue to prosecute fraud wherever it occurs, especially when criminals exploit vulnerable victims,” the statement added.

According to the release, if convicted of failure to report, Hall “faces up to 10 additional years in prison to be served consecutively to her existing sentence, along with a possible fine of up to $250,000, up to three years of supervised release, and a mandatory $100 special assessment.”

The U.S. Attorney’s Office credited the FBI New Orleans Field Office for investigating the case, with Assistant U.S. Attorney Matthew R. Payne, Senior Litigation Counsel, leading the prosecution.

Super Eagles midfielder, Frank Onyeka has celebrated Coventry City’s Sky Bet Championship triumph, DAILY POST reports.

Frank Lampard’s side confirmed their status as Championship winners after thrashing Portsmouth 5-1 at home on Tuesday.

The Sky Blues won the title in style with two games to spare.

Onyeka contributed immensely to Coventry’s success after arriving from Brentford in January.

The 28-year-old was delighted to be part of the team’s success.

“History doesn’t happen overnight… it takes 25 years. Promotion…Champions. Proud to play a part in something special,” he wrote on X.

Onyeka, who joined Coventry on loan from Brentford in January, has scored once in 13 outings for the club.

Onyeka relishes Coventry City’s championship triumph

The Supreme Court on Wednesday reserved judgment in the leadership tussles within the Peoples Democratic Party and the African Democratic Congress, heightening uncertainty over the internal stability of both parties ahead of the 2027 general elections.

A five-member panel of the apex court, led by Justice Mohammed Garba, fixed no date for judgment after hearing arguments from parties in separate appeals challenging the decisions of the lower courts on the disputes.

The Independent National Electoral Commission has announced May 10 as the deadline for political parties to submit their membership registers. It also fixed the Presidential and National Assembly elections for Saturday, January 16, 2027, while the Governorship and State Houses of Assembly elections are scheduled for Saturday, February 6, 2027.

The Commission further stated that party primaries, including the resolution of disputes arising from them, will be conducted between April 23, 2026 and May 30, 2026.

According to INEC, campaigns for the Presidential and National Assembly elections will begin on August 19, 2026, while campaigns for the Governorship and State Houses of Assembly elections will commence on September 9, 2026.

 With both major opposition political parties now entangled in multiple litigations, coupled with the looming INEC deadline, their ability to stabilise and organise a clear schedule of activities has been significantly disrupted. This has set the stage for further complications in party management and election preparations.

This development has also left aspirants seeking elective positions on the PDP and ADC platforms in a state of uncertainty and despair, as the unfolding situation makes it increasingly difficult for them to determine their next line of action.

While the party leadership remains uncertain about its ability to produce candidates, members are also left in limbo.

Ultimately, the political future of many politicians within these parties now hangs in the balance, pending the Supreme Court’s final determination.

Against this backdrop of instability, the PDP has remained embroiled in a prolonged internal crisis, resulting in a split into two factions—one led by Tanimu Turaki (SAN) and supported by Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde and his Bauchi counterpart, Bala Mohammed, and the other headed by Abdulrahman Mohammed with the backing of the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike.

In the PDP matter, the court reserved judgment in two appeals filed by the factional leadership led by former Minister of Special Duties, Turaki, seeking to validate the party’s national convention held in Ibadan, Oyo State, on November 15 and 16, 2025.

The appellants are asking the court to set aside concurrent judgments of the Federal High Court and the Court of Appeal, which nullified the convention on the grounds of procedural breaches and internal party violations.

One of the appeals was against the decision of Justice Peter Lifu, who restrained the PDP from conducting the convention after finding that a former Jigawa State Governor, Sule Lamido, was unjustly denied the opportunity to contest for the position of national chairman.

Another appeal arose from the judgment of Justice James Omotosho, which barred the party from proceeding with the exercise on the basis that it failed to conduct valid state congresses as required by law and party guidelines.

At the hearing, counsel to the appellants, Paul Erokoro (SAN), urged the court to allow the appeals and dismiss preliminary objections filed by Lamido’s counsel, J.C. Njikonye (SAN), and the faction aligned with the FCT minister, represented by Joseph Daudu (SAN).

In a related development, the apex court also reserved judgment in an appeal filed by a former Senate President, David Mark, over the leadership tussle within the ADC.

On April 1, the Independent National Electoral Commission announced the removal of key figures of the ADC, including National Chairman, Mark and National Secretary Rauf Aregbesola, from its official register, stating that the action complied with a court order directing the commission to maintain the status quo pending the final judgment of the trial court.

The party has continued to grapple with a leadership crisis following the inauguration of a new National Working Committee under Mark’s leadership in July.

The dispute stemmed from disagreements over the tenure of former chairman Ralph Nwosu, who handed over the party leadership to the coalition group led by Mark, while sidelining his deputy, Nafiu Gombe, who insisted on assuming the role of acting chairman after Nwosu’s exit.

The disagreement later escalated into factional struggles for the control of the party, resulting in multiple legal battles at both the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court, and raising concerns about the party’s readiness for the 2027 elections. In response, Mark, on April 2, called for calm and maintained that the party would continue with its scheduled activities.

In a related development, a faction backed by the party’s 2023 presidential candidate, Dumebi Kachikwu, announced a caretaker committee on April 7 in Abuja during a National Executive Committee meeting convened by some state chairmen.

The situation has since split the party into three factions: one led by Mark representing the coalition bloc, another led by Gombe, and a NEC-backed group aligned with Kachikwu and headed by Kingsley Ogga, the Kogi State ADC chairman.

Consequently, like the PDP, the various factions have also instituted several cases in court.

Mark, through his counsel, Jubril Okutepa (SAN), challenged a March 12 judgment of the Court of Appeal, arguing that the dispute bordered on the internal affairs of a political party and was therefore not justiciable.

He urged the court to restrain the electoral commission from recognising any leadership outside his faction and to set aside the appellate court’s order maintaining the status quo.

However, respondents in the suit, including a faction led by Gombe, and others, urged the court to dismiss the appeal, insisting that the lower court acted within its jurisdiction.

Following the conclusion of arguments in all the matters, the apex court reserved judgment, with a date to be communicated to the parties.

Reacting in a statement on Wednesday, the Turaki-led NWC National Publicity Secretary, Ini Ememobong, expressed hope that the apex court will deliver judgments that would preserve multiparty democracy and prevent the imminent emergence of a one-party state.

“The court heard the appeals, with all parties adopting their respective processes, and thereafter reserved judgment to a date to be communicated to counsel.

“We charge all true and uncompromised PDP members to keep their faith alive, in the unwavering hope that the apex court will deliver judgments that will preserve multi-party democracy and prevent the imminent enthronement of a one-party state

“The Supreme Court has, at several times in the history of our non-linear democratic experience, remained the last hope of Nigeria and Nigerians, even in the face of immense pressure and unimaginable risk.”

On his part, the Wike-backed PDP National Publicity Secretary, Jungudo Mohammed, in an exclusive interview with our correspondent, expressed confidence that the Supreme Court would dismiss the matter and rule in their favour.

He noted, “Well, as you are aware, it was a definite hearing where all motions and the substantive briefs were adopted. So, as far as we the PDP are concerned, we are very, very optimistic in the sense that the issues, the real issues, have to do with whether the case is justiciable or not based on the fact that they feel, that is the Turaki’s camp feel it is an internal party affair.

“Whereas on our own part, we are saying it is not. Our intention is for the court to mandate INEC to ensure that the convention complies with the regulatory requirements before they can observe, monitor and supervise that convention.

“Whereas on their own, they are seeing it from a purely internal point of view. So when you look at the judgment, you look at the declaratory reliefs granted, they are not, and they were not directed at PDP. They were clearly directed at INEC.

“So, if the facts remain the facts and the law remains the law that we know, we believe that the Supreme Court will grant our request by dismissing all the appeals and probably also granting all the cross-appeals filed by the PDP. So we are optimistic the judgment will be in our favour.”

Shortly after the Supreme Court’s decision, the faction of the PDP backed by the FCT minister unveiled a 2027 schedule of activities, fixed the cost of its presidential nomination and expression of interest forms at N  51 million and governorship form at N21m.

The bloc’s National Organising Secretary, Umar Bature, in a timetable made available to newsmen on Wednesday, revealed that it will submit its register to the INEC on April 21, 2026, and notify the commission of its primaries on April 22.

On the cost of forms, the PDP faction pegged the expression of interest fee for all positions at N1m, while nomination fees vary across offices.

Aspirants for State Houses of Assembly will pay a total of N2m, House of Representatives N3m, Senate N5m, governorship N20m and presidential aspirants N50m.

According to the schedule, the sale of forms is slated to commence on April 27 and will close on May 4. And the last day for Submission of the filled forms is May 9.

Also, the screening of aspirants for all elective positions, including State Houses of Assembly, National Assembly, and governorship, is fixed for May 11, while that of the Presidential aspirants is scheduled to hold on May 12.

The timetable further shows that the presidential primary is scheduled for May 18, the governorship primaries are set for May 27, the House of Representatives primaries on May 21 and the Senate primaries on May 23, while primaries for State Houses of Assembly will be held May 21. All appeals are expected to be concluded by May 30.

Bature stated that female aspirants are required to pay only the expression of interest fee for their respective positions.

Reacting, Ememobong, described the timetable as an exercise in futility and urged Nigerians to disregard it.

Ememobong, in an interview with The PUNCH, stated that the Wike-backed faction appears to be acting as though they already know the court’s judgment.

He stated, “Well, they are acting brazenly as though they already know the judgment of the court. And even some of them boast that the court is in their pocket, so they may continue to act in that manner.

“We believe in the sanctity of the judiciary, and that is why, when we submit to the jurisdiction of the court, we do not take any step that may bring the court into disrepute.

“But it is left to them to act the way they want to act. But we can assure that if justice, according to law, is done, then the party will be able to operate as the genuine opposition party.

“So Nigerians should disregard their timetable, completely disregard it. It’s an effort in futility. They are working for APC and not PDP.”

In response, the Wike camp hit back, describing the governors-aligned PDP faction as detractors working for another political party.

The camp’s National Publicity Secretary, Mohammed, in an exclusive interview with our correspondent, disclosed that since the timetable was released, they have received an impressive response from PDP members and aspirants.

“They are just trying to distract loyal party members. They are more like working for another political party so that loyal party members of the PDP will get distracted and, you know, also get discouraged from participating in the primaries.

“But the response from people, particularly when we released the schedule of activities for our primaries, was quite very, very impressive. People have shown strong indications that they are ever ready to purchase the forms.

“And the PDP, as it were today, is very, very confident that we’ll conduct our primaries successfully. And all our successful aspirants will be on the ballot come 2027. So, we will achieve all our goals.”

Reacting to the Supreme Court’s decision, ADC National Publicity Secretary, Bolaji Abdullahi, while addressing journalists at the court premises, expressed confidence that justice would be delivered.

He stated, “We are very confident that the case will be decided on because of an established case. Incidentally, like it was reported, one of the judges was actually among the judges that led the precedent on which we relied.

“So, we are very confident. We just appeal to our members not to give up. They should continue to be law-abiding. What is at stake is no longer our party. What is at stake is the democracy of Nigeria.”

A chieftain of Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, in Ibadan North East local government area in Oyo State, Chief Kunle Ayorinde has dumped the party and joined the All Progressives Congress (APC).

Ayorinde, who hails from Ita Baale area, made this declaration while speaking with DAILY POST Wednesday evening.

The retired civil servant noted that he was one of the people that worked for the success of Governor Seyi Makinde in 2019.

He, however, alleged that he was not compensated for the job he did.

Ayorinde said that he made attempts to see the governor but that that the power that be in Makinde’s government blocked him.

He said “We worked for the victory of the party in 2023 with the hope that we should be compensated by Governor Seyi Makinde.

“Unfortunately, instead of compensating us, the power that be blocked all access to see him (governor) and explain our views to him.

“Politic is work and be compensated. Governor Seyi Makinde is a good leader, but some people are working behind him to stain his name”.

2027: ‘Powers that be blocked avenues to see Makinde’ – PDP chieftain justifies defection to APC

The Board of the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC) has been inaugurated with a charge for members to prioritize digital innovation, combat illicit financial flows, and simplify processes for masses in Nigeria.

The Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment, Dr. Jumoke Oduwole MFR, gave the charge today while inaugurating the board.

The Minister asked the newly inaugurated cac board to

uphold integrity, collaborate with stakeholders and deliver measurable results within their tenure

Jumoke Oduwole further described their appointment as a pivotal moment in strengthening Nigeria’s business ecosystem under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda.

The minister, while congratulating the chair on his appointment, stressed that the president didn’t take it lightly in making the appointment in view of cac’s critical role and implications for Nigeria’s reputation globally.

While congratulating them on their appointments, she expressed optimism that their expertise will propel the cac  to new heights.

Responding on behalf of the board members, the chair, senator Ibrahim M. Ida, CON, said they were eternally grateful to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for the confidence reposed in them and therefore pledged to deliver on their mandate.

 Ida, who assured Nigerians that the board will discharge its functions as prescribed by CAMA, said it will strive to make registration faster, cheaper and cleaner. 

He maintained that their role would be strategic, not operational, and will not be involved in management, but set a direction for the commission to follow.

While appreciating the minister for maintaining oversight of the commission over the years, urged the minister to collaborate with the board to ensure speedy delivery of reforms.

Canada approved 3,463 asylum applications submitted by Nigerian nationals in 2025, while a total of 21,573 claims remained unresolved at the close of the year, according to updated figures released by the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, IRB.

The data, updated on February 13 and covering the period from January to December 2025, shows that Nigerians lodged 6,765 asylum claims within the year.

Out of these, 3,463 applications were successful, 1,377 were refused, 46 were abandoned, and 153 were withdrawn or classified under other outcomes, bringing the total number of concluded cases to 5,039.

The figures indicate an approval rate of about 68 per cent, reflecting an increase compared to previous years when 2,230 out of 16,267 claims were granted.

With this volume of applications, Nigeria ranked among the leading countries of origin for asylum seekers in Canada in 2025, alongside India, Haiti, Iran, and Mexico.

Under Canadian regulations, the Refugee Protection Division grants asylum to individuals who meet the criteria outlined in the 1951 United Nations Refugee Convention. Applicants must demonstrate a credible fear of persecution based on factors such as race, religion, nationality, membership of a social group, or political opinion, or show a risk of torture or inhumane treatment if returned to their home country.

The IRB explained that asylum requests can be made either at designated entry points, such as airports, land borders, or seaports, or from within Canada. Each claim is first assessed for eligibility by officials of Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada or the Canada Border Services Agency before being referred to the board for determination.

“All eligible claims are then determined by the IRB based on the evidence and arguments presented, and in line with Canadian laws,” the board stated, adding that applicants must establish a well-founded fear of persecution or serious harm in their country of origin.

Successful applicants are granted protected status and may apply for permanent residence, while those whose claims are denied could face removal proceedings.

Overall, Canada processed 107,802 asylum claims from all nationalities in 2025, with 50,067 cases concluded. Of these, 14,619 were approved and 7,944 rejected.

The IRB noted a sustained increase in asylum applications in recent years, driven by global instability, conflicts, and rising displacement worldwide. However, it also reported a 64 per cent drop in new claims between January and February 2026 compared to the same period in 2024.

Provinces such as Quebec, Ontario, Alberta, and British Columbia currently accommodate the highest numbers of asylum seekers in the country.

Canada grants 3,463 asylum claims to Nigerians in 2025, over 21,000 pending Report

 

A Nigerian-American man accused of k!lling three people during a shooting spree in several Atlanta suburbs, including a Department of Homeland Security employee, has died in custody, officials said Tuesday. 

According to the DeKalb County Sheriff’s Office, Olaolukitan Adon Abel, 26, was found unresponsive in his jail cell just after 6:48 p.m. ET.

Detention staff members at the DeKalb County Jail alerted medical personnel and began life-saving procedures, but Abel was pronounced dead at 7:17 p.m. ET.

“There is no indication of criminal activity or foul play,” the sheriff’s office said in a statement.

An internal investigation has been opened to determine the circumstances of Abel’s death.

Abel is originally from Nigeria born in the United Kingdom and became a naturalized U.S. citizen in 2022.

Abel allegedly paid a homeless man to buy him a gun. He then used the weapon to fatally shoot three people at three different locations across the Atlanta area on April 13.

He was accused of shooting Prianna Weathers, 31; Tony Matthews, 48; and Lauren Bullis, 40.

Weathers, a mother to a preteen, and Bullis, who worked for the DHS, both d!ed from their injuries shortly after they were shot.

Matthews, a father, was hospitalized for six days but d!ed on April 19. 

Weathers was shot around 1 a.m. on April 13 outside a Checkers restaurant along Wesley Chapel Road near Decatur in DeKalb County.

An hour later, police said Abel drove to the northern Atlanta suburb of Brookhaven and shot Matthews, who was sleeping on the ground outside of a Kroger’s supermarket in a shopping plaza.

Between 6 a.m. and 7 a.m. ET, police said that Abel shot and stabbed Bullis while she was walking her dog in Panthersville, an unincorporated area south of Decatur.

Iran has maintained its position against reopening the Strait of Hormuz, insisting the waterway will remain closed as long as a United States naval blockade is in effect, despite an extension of the ceasefire.

The development came as Iranian authorities announced the seizure of two vessels attempting to navigate the strategic route, emphasizing ongoing tensions in the Gulf region.

The United States Central Command, CENTCOM, disclosed late Wednesday that it had ordered 31 ships to either turn back or return to port as part of what it described as a blockade operation targeting Iran.

While uncertainty lingers over a possible resumption of hostilities, US President Donald Trump had earlier stated that the ceasefire would be sustained to allow additional time for peace negotiations reportedly being facilitated by Pakistan.

Iran acknowledged Pakistan’s mediation efforts but did not directly respond to Trump’s remarks. However, Iranian parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf emphasised that any ceasefire would be meaningless if accompanied by continued naval restrictions.

“A complete ceasefire only has meaning if it is not violated through a naval blockade,” Ghalibaf said, adding that reopening the Strait of Hormuz under such conditions was not feasible.

The situation has already impacted global oil markets, with prices rising sharply before easing slightly on Thursday. The US benchmark, West Texas Intermediate, WTI, climbed by over four percent to $96.73 per barrel, while Brent crude increased by more than three percent to $105.63 before moderating.

Trump indicated that diplomatic engagements could resume within days, noting that talks might take place in Pakistan. However, Iran has yet to confirm its participation, while US Vice President JD Vance reportedly postponed a planned visit to Islamabad.

The US president also claimed that Iran had halted plans to execute eight women arrested during recent anti-government protests at his request. Iranian judicial authorities, however, dismissed the claim as “false news,” stating that the individuals were never facing capital punishment.

Iran refuses to reopen Strait of Hormuz amid US naval blockade